The sudden and forceful re-emergence of Major (Retd.) Afizur Rahman into Bangladesh’s media and political landscape is stirring both suspicion and silence. Once an officer within the country's most powerful intelligence agency, the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), Afizur Rahman now stands accused of orchestrating a series of media takeovers under the guise of professional leadership.

As the former military man tightens his grip over influential outlets such as Janakantha and positions himself strategically within the ranks of National Citizens’ Party (NCP), questions abound: Is this the story of a successful professional navigating his post-military career? Or is it a troubling case of covert state-backed influence being weaponized to manipulate the fourth estate?

The Janakantha Takeover: Violence, Suppression, and Silence

The most striking episode in this unfolding media drama centers on the controversial takeover of the renowned daily Janakantha. In the midst of the hostile power shift, Afzal Hossain—newsroom-in-charge and a former student leader of the BNP-backed Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal—was reportedly assaulted and forcibly removed from his position.

Hossain, who served as the vice president of Mujib Hall at Dhaka University between 2006 and 2012, became a symbolic casualty of the newsroom purge. Witnesses describe a tense, almost surreal atmosphere as control of Janakantha changed hands, marked not by dialogue but by intimidation. The removal of Hossain, a figure known for his organizational experience and political past, sent shockwaves across the journalistic community.

Eyewitnesses claim the assault took place inside the Janakantha office in Eskaton, implicating individuals closely associated with  Afizur Rahman—namely NCP leader Arifur Rahman Tuhin and Janakantha Planning Advisor Zainal Abedin Shishir. The post of "Planning Advisor" does not exist in the Wage Board for Journalists in Bangladesh.

Shishir also runs an organization called Journalists against Fascism, which has hosted several events attended by senior officials of the interim government.

The new occupiers of GLOB (Globe) are now reportedly taking on the task of collecting Janakantha’s outstanding advertisement dues—as if operating an extortion racket.

When The Mirror Asia reached out to Arifur Rahman Tuhin regarding his alleged involvement in the Janakantha takeover, he denied any knowledge of the incident. “I don’t know anything about it,” he reportedly said.

Later, he also said he went there under the directive of  Abu Saleh Akon , president of the Dhaka Reporters Unity (DRU). However, when the Mirror Asia contacted the DRU president during the Janakantha takeover, I called Tuhin and told him, 'As a responsible person, please look into this matter impartially.

However, multiple witnesses and internal sources insist that Tuhin was not only aware of the operation but played a central role in orchestrating it. His presence during the physical removal of Afzal Hossain is well-documented by individuals who were on site.

This isn’t the first time Tuhin's name has surfaced in media-related controversies. Allegations of a similar nature were previously raised against him in connection with the takeover of another prominent Bengali-language newspaper—though that incident, too, was quietly brushed aside without any formal investigation.

What followed, once again, was an eerie silence. No inquiry. No justice. No institutional accountability.

This pattern of denial and impunity reinforces fears that certain actors are shielded by powerful networks operating beyond the reach of democratic scrutiny—raising grave concerns about the safety and independence of the press in Bangladesh.

Insiders allege that the Janakantha incident is only the beginning. According to reliable sources, Afizur Rahman has plans to assert control over at least five more media houses, all under the pretext of organizational restructuring and editorial realignment. These plans, if true, suggest a broader, orchestrated attempt to reshape Bangladesh’s media narrative.

DGFI Days: Control, Coercion, and Censorship

Afizur Rahman’s controversial legacy begins long before his current stint in the media. Serving over a decade in the DGFI during Sheikh Hasina's rule, he was widely known among journalists and editors as the man who decided who would speak and who would be silenced.

Several senior journalists have alleged that Rahman not only influenced but directly interfered in elections within journalist unions, including the National Press Club, Dhaka Union of Journalists (DUJ), and Dhaka Reporters’ Unity (DRU). Candidates who defied his instructions were subject to harassment, enforced disappearances, or sustained professional sabotage.

One particularly chilling episode involves former DRU secretary Raju Ahmed, who was allegedly abducted and held for nearly 24 hours at Rahman’s behest. In another case, a television journalist vying for a DRU leadership post was reportedly picked up from outside his office and released eight hours later—after receiving a stern warning to withdraw his candidacy.Despite numerous informal and formal complaints, not a single allegation led to disciplinary action or public accountability.

Movement for Salary and the Role of COO Afiz:

After the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government on August 5, salaries of the journalists and staff at Janakantha became irregular. In response, the journalists and employees of the organization formed a committee named Janakantha Sangbadik-Kormakarta-Kormochari Oikya Parishad (Janakantha Journalists-Officers-Employees Unity Council) to demand their salaries. Since September, this committee had been peacefully and systematically protesting for their dues.

However,  chief operating officer(COO) of Janakantha Major (Retd.) Afizur Rahman actively attempted to suppress the movement. At one point, he started appointing individuals affiliated with various political parties to high-paying positions within Janakantha. As salary payments remained stuck while new appointments continued, unrest within the organization intensified.

During this time, the editor of Janakantha met with leaders of the Oikya Parishad and assured them that all arrears would be cleared. However, he failed to keep his promise, which led to growing dissatisfaction among journalists and staff.

As part of their ongoing protest, on May 4, Janakantha’s journalists and workers staged a sit-in on the staircase of the Janakantha building, demanding their unpaid wages. Around 8 p.m., a group of 50–60 outsiders, along with some newly recruited staff, forcibly broke the lock on the building’s main gate and stormed inside, launching an attack on the protesters. Two of the newly appointed COO Afiz’s associates allegedly pointed out the Oikya Parishad president, journalist Afzal, inciting the attackers to assault him.

Afzal was beaten with wooden sticks. When his colleagues intervened, they too were beaten indiscriminately. This created panic and fear among everyone present. Many were injured in the assault.

Later, around 9 p.m., Afzal was dragged from the newsroom to the office of newly appointed Planning Advisor Zainal Abedin Shishir. There, in his presence, Afzal was slapped and punched again, forced to sign a termination letter, and threatened not to come near the Janakantha premises ever again.

It was reported that five more individuals were terminated on that day: journalists Tapan Biswas, Shankar Kumar De, Golam Mostafa, Rumel Khan, and Shamsul Alam Setu.

When journalist Afzal was beaten and terminated, many others left in solidarity, fearing for their safety. Even though some tried to return to work the next day, May 5, they were not allowed to rejoin. They were neither officially terminated nor asked to resign. They expressed deep concern over their lives and livelihoods.

Sources report that those who were terminated have not yet received their due payments.

It is worth noting that Janakantha employs over 200 staff reporters and correspondents across the country. From August 5 of last year to May 4 this year, they were not paid for a continuous 10 months. Among journalists based in the Dhaka office, some have unpaid salaries for five months, others for four.

In the 30-year history of Janakantha, only a handful of employees have received promotions. About 90% of the journalists and staff have never been promoted, nor have they received regular salary increments. Some journalists who joined as senior sub-editors 30 years ago are still in the same position. Staff reporters recruited 25 years ago remain staff reporters even today. Janakantha has essentially become a haven for institutional irregularities.Notably, Major (Retd.) Afizur Rahman joined Janakantha as COO on July 25, 2024.

Behind the Curtain: Controlling the Newsroom

Even after his formal retirement from the armed forces, Rahman’s shadow allegedly lingered over the media landscape. Several newsroom sources recount how he or his emissaries would issue direct threats to editors and reporters over stories critical of the ruling establishment. In some cases, he reportedly visited media houses in person to issue verbal warnings.

As recently as last year, just before a nationwide student uprising, Rahman was said to be spreading the idea that youth coalitions and civil society had no legitimate role in statecraft—echoing an old authoritarian trope.

Yet, despite his controversial past, Rahman holds executive roles in Dainik Bangla, NewsBangla24.com, and serves as the Chief Operating Officer of the Globe Janakantha Shilpa Paribar. He also works as a lead coordinator for Canadian University of Bangladesh, claiming academic and administrative prestige.

The Personal Narrative: A Tale of Integrity and Aspiration

In sharp contrast to the mountain of allegations against him, Rahman paints a very different picture of himself. In a recent Facebook post, written after speaking at Jahangirnagar University’s Bengali Department 50th anniversary celebration, he reflected on his multifaceted professional journey—from the army to academia, and from intelligence work to media management.

“Life must move forward...with honesty, purpose, and love,” he wrote, emphasizing that he once dreamt of being a university teacher, before fate redirected him toward the armed forces and eventually, media leadership.

He also proudly noted his ongoing PhD research on Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his commitment to national development through strategic media and communications work.

Dual Realities: Hero or Henchman?

What emerges from this narrative is a figure defined by contradiction: an eloquent speaker in academic halls and an alleged architect of media repression in the corridors of power. This duality—of self-proclaimed success versus serious accusations—sits at the core of public anxiety surrounding his rise.

Media analysts warn that the concentration of media ownership and editorial control in the hands of politically-affiliated former intelligence officials poses an existential threat to democratic values and freedom of the press in Bangladesh. More dangerously, it normalizes impunity for those who wield influence from behind a cloak of “professionalism.”

The Larger Question: Where Is Accountability?

So where are the political parties, civil society, and journalist unions now that Rahman is accused of leading a new wave of silent takeovers? Why has there been no inquiry into his role in abductions and election manipulation within the media? And why are journalists who once suffered at his hands still waiting for justice?

As media outlets fall under quiet control, and narratives are subtly reshaped, Bangladesh must reckon with a troubling question: is this the professional evolution of a man who mastered multiple disciplines? Or is this the reactivation of a deeper state apparatus—one that never really went away?

For now, Major (Retd.) Afizur Rahman remains untouched by law and unchallenged by power. But in a country where journalism is often the last refuge of truth, the silence surrounding him may soon speak louder than words.Major (Retd.) Afizur Rahman, COO of Janakantha, did not respond when contacted by  the Mirror Asia for a comment over the phone.

Click the link to hear Afizur Rahman's remarks opposing the July Uprising...https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=1179697390550996&id=100055322391351&rdid=pX9gWbro3BZe93al#