In a candid conversation with The Mirror Asia, National Democratic Party (NDP) Secretary General Abdullah-Al-Harun (Sohel) shares his views on Bangladesh’s volatile political landscape, the role of the interim government, the rise of new political players, and the looming national election.

The Mirror Asia (TMA): What is the current political atmosphere in Bangladesh?

Abdullah-Al-Harun: Bangladesh’s political landscape is still shaky. But there’s renewed hope now that an interim government led by Nobel laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus has taken over after 15 years of what many saw as authoritarian rule. The people, especially students and civil society, played a central role in this transition—and they are now seen as credible agents of change.

There’s high public expectation that Dr. Yunus will ensure a fair and timely national election. That’s the immediate priority. Broader institutional reforms, including constitutional changes, should be taken up by the next elected government through proper parliamentary processes.

TMA: So far, does it look like Dr. Yunus is leaning toward the National Citizen Party (NCP)?

Harun: That seems to be the case—especially after the crackdown on student protesters at Jagannath University. While those young protestors faced police action, the NCP has been largely untouched despite making controversial demands, including a ban on the Awami League.

TMA: The BNP appears unwilling to accommodate the NCP in the upcoming polls. Why?

Harun: The BNP is a seasoned party with strong roots in both urban and rural Bangladesh, largely due to the legacy of President Ziaur Rahman and Khaleda Zia. On the other hand, the NCP is still emerging, mainly appealing to urban youth. While their momentum is notable, it hasn’t reached rural voters yet.

Still, the BNP may hold talks with the NCP soon. We believe building consensus is crucial before the national election.

TMA: Has Dr. Yunus fixed a date for the national election?

Harun: He has—tentatively by June 30, 2026—but without adequate consultation with political stakeholders. Not everyone agrees. Factions close to the old Hasina regime and the NCP are pushing for delays to build their base. Some are even calling for a reshuffle within the interim advisory council.

TMA: Law and order seems fragile under the interim government. Your take?

Harun: That’s correct. Since the uprising, police response has been minimal, especially at night. We've advised the interim authorities to reenergize the force, but leadership—especially from the IGP and Home Affairs Adviser—has been lacking.

Although initiatives like the Dhaka investment conference and new appointments like Ashik Chowdhury at BIDA are positive, investors won’t come unless there’s consistent governance and security. Right now, it’s all too uncertain.

TMA: What’s the role of the Six Reform Committee?

Harun: Their job is to recommend long-term reforms—especially electoral ones. But these reforms are meant for the next elected government to implement, not the interim setup. The interim government's role should be limited to facilitating a fair and transparent election, possibly introducing Election Commission reforms via ordinance.

The Six Reform Committee will share proposals with major political parties, who may then incorporate them into their election manifestos.

TMA: Why is the interim administration being criticized for inefficiency?

Harun: Many of the current advisers are former student leaders—brave during the uprising but inexperienced in administration. In past revolutions like in 1971 or 1990, students returned to campus. Now, many of them have jumped straight into government roles.

There are already whispers of corruption and mismanagement. Some advisers barely sleep, but exhaustion is not a sign of effective governance—it often signals poor planning.

TMA: Do you expect the International Criminal Tribunal to issue reduced sentences due to lack of evidence?

Harun: That’s a real concern. Without solid evidence and proper legal procedures, some accused individuals could walk free or get light sentences. This could damage public confidence in the tribunal—especially in cases involving former PM Sheikh Hasina. There needs to be an independent commission to investigate thoroughly and ensure that innocent people aren’t being wrongfully implicated in the July–August violence.

TMA: Will the NDP get a parliamentary seat if the BNP comes to power?

Harun: We believe so. BNP Vice Chairman Tarique Rahman has voiced support for a national unity government, not a BNP-exclusive one. Since we stood shoulder to shoulder with them in the anti-Hasina movement, we expect to be part of the next government—both in Parliament and at administrative levels.

TMA: Let’s talk about Chittagong Port. Is foreign management a red flag?

Harun: Absolutely. Chittagong handles 90% of our trade—it’s our economic lifeline. Leasing it to a foreign company like DP World, which has ties to the U.S. Navy, is dangerous. What happens in a crisis? Would a foreign operator prioritize our national interests during a food emergency or disaster?

With only one major port, we can’t afford this kind of risk. Also, an interim government has no mandate to make such monumental decisions.

TMA: What about the proposed humanitarian corridor for the Rohingya in Myanmar?

Harun: It’s risky. While humanitarian aid is important, allowing such a corridor could backfire. It may become a route for arms trafficking. If Myanmar’s junta reacts militarily, it could paralyze Chittagong Port. Any decision on this issue must come from a fully elected government—not a temporary one.

TMA: Has India become a threat to Bangladesh post-revolution?

Harun: We must avoid hostility. India surrounds us on three sides, and instability in the Seven Sisters could impact them too. We should focus on cooperation, not confrontation. Conflict will only hinder economic progress on both sides.